 |
|
|
Advertise
|
|
The Palestinian Intra-Fada: Civil War with Jews in the Middle By
Susan Rosenbluth, Editor January 2007 The always-verbal, often-violent struggle between the two major factions of the Palestinian Authority turned particularly bloody last month as the body count on both sides mounted and leaders looked outside the beleaguered, cash-deprived PA territories for economic and political support. A careful look at the policies dividing the two groups shows that their differences have more to do with style than substance. Both are eager to obliterate Israel, but while Hamas favors the violent destruction of the Jewish state, Fatah is willing to allow diplomatic policies to realize the same end. Under its long-time leader, the late Yasir Arafat, Fatah was considered secular as opposed to the blatantly Islamist Hamas. In recent years, however, Fatah, and especially its militias, such as the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, are every bit as committed to Islamist extremism as are Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Before Mr. Arafat signed the Oslo Accords with Israel in 1993, he, Fatah, and the PLO were recognized by the US and most of the Western World as terrorists. Critics of the Oslo Accords maintain that, in signing them, Mr. Arafat was simply adhering to the PLO’s master plan of winning what it could diplomatically so as to be able to continue its physical war against Israel later. Hamas, on the other hand, which never recognized the Oslo process, has retained its identity in the West as a terrorist organization. Red Lines Some are calling the all-but-civil-war violence between Hamas and Fatah “the intra-fada.” “We had always heard from Palestinian politicians that Palestinian blood is a red line,” said Walid al-Omari, head of the Al Jazeera office in the PA territories. “It turns out that only the blood has remained red; the lines have long gone.” While some Palestinians have bristled at the thought that Israel is secretly enjoying the Arabs’ bloodletting among themselves, many Israeli officials believe the Hamas-Fatah strife could result in a major escalation of anti-Israel terror attacks. “When the Palestinians fight among themselves, their way out is always to just join forces and fight against their common enemy—Israel,” said a senior security adviser to Israeli Defense Minister Amir Peretz. Iranian Support Hamas, which has long been supported by Iran and Syria, further entrenched itself in that axis last month during visits to Damascus and Teheran by Hamas’s PA Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh. According to Iranian media, during his four-day visit to Iran, Mr. Haniyeh promised his hosts he would not bow to pressure to recognize Israel and would continue fighting against the Jewish state. Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was pleased. “The Iranian nation will stand shoulder-to-shoulder with the Palestinian people until Jerusalem is liberated, and will never fall short in any kind of support,” he told Mr. Haniyeh, adding that Hamas would do well to “lower its profile and calm the situation” because “in four months, we’re going to issue a statement that will dramatically change the strategic balance in the Middle East.” According to Israeli intelligence, the Iranians have promised to make an “important announcement,” probably related to its plan to develop nuclear weapons, at the next Persian new year, which begins the third week in March 2007. Hamas is also reportedly seeking an alliance with Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Hizbul-Mujahideen (Hizb), two Pakistan-based groups involved in terrorist activities in India. LeT and Hizb are both close to Al-Qaeda. According to reports in the Italian paper, Corriere della Sera, the two Pakistani groups, working possibly with the help of Pakistani intelligence, have already offered Hamas $2 million in cash and are exploring the possibility of strengthening “military relations” between Hamas and the Pakistan-based militias. Aid Boycott Because Hamas, which won control of the PA parliament in elections last January, has refused to pay even nuanced lip service to the so-called Road Map composed by the US, Russia, the European Union (EU), and the UN, its PA government is viewed as openly terrorist and has not received funding or foreign aid from the Western powers. The international aid boycott has kept Hamas from paying the salaries of 165,000 civil employees, including about 80,000 members of the security forces, 40,000 teachers, and some 15,000 health care workers. Doctors and nurses have been on and off strike for weeks. Whenever there has been money, Hamas has paid its own militia, the so-called “Executive Force,” while neglecting members of the regular security forces, many of whom are loyal to Fatah leader Mahnoud Abbas, who serves as the elected PA president. Promised Aid Mr. Haniyeh is hoping to make up for the loss of Western funds with promised financial, military, and political support from Iran and Syria. According to the Hamas website, Iran has promised the Hamas government $250 million in aid for a number of development projects. Of that, $100 million is expected to cover six-months worth of salaries of employees working for the ministries of welfare, labor, and culture. An additional $45 million has been earmarked for six months of “allowances” to support Hamas prisoners in Israeli jails. The Iranian funding is also supposed to cover aid for 3,000 Palestinian fishermen and 100,000 unemployed workers. Another $100 million will go directly to Hamas, enabling the terror organization to strengthen its military might in Gaza. No Principles According a report in Ha’aretz by Avi Issacharoff, the decision by Hamas to take funds from Iran was made comparatively recently. Last July, Hamas officials debated the issue, recognizing that, if they agreed to solicit and accept Iranian aid, Hamas would be associated with the “axis of evil” and would also be duty-bound to accept advice from Iran. “It has become clear that Hamas has left principles aside and has concentrated on the money,” said Mr. Issacharoff. In Qatar, Mr. Haniyeh received a promise that he would receive $22 million to pay the salaries of teachers and 11,000 employees of the health ministry, as well as funding for projects, such as the establishment of an Islamic bank with an initial capital of $50 million; a Palestinian “sports city,” and a project called “The Islamic Religious Endowment of Jerusalem,” which would allot $7 million per month to residents of “occupied Jerusalem.” Even though the US expects its European allies to support the aid boycott of Hamas, the EU has approved some $863 million in aid for Palestinians. Of this, $266 million has gone through the emergency aid program, guaranteeing 1.3 million Palestinians access to water, sanitation and health care, and providing income support payments to about 1 million Palestinians who were left destitute by their government’s financial crisis, including many public service employees who have gone unpaid. Even the US has provided $468 million in humanitarian aid to the Palestinians, delivered by non-governmental organizations and other groups that bypass the Hamas government. Western Support Mr. Abbas and Fatah are now openly supported by the US; supposedly pro-Western Arab states such as Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia; and Israel under the left-wing Kadima government run by Prime Minister Ehud Olmert. Mr. Abbas, who served as Prime Minister of the PA under Mr. Arafat, has publicly accepted the Road Map, but has done virtually nothing to implement any of its requirements, including stopping pro-terrorism propaganda in the PA media and disarming terrorists. Mr. Abbas’s Western supporters and apologists excuse his inaction by pointing to his increasingly weak position politically among residents of the PA, especially since the death of Mr. Arafat. US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has announced that she will be requesting tens of millions of dollars from Congress to further arm and train militias loyal to Mr. Abbas. British Prime Minister Tony Blair has called on the international community to empower Mr. Abbas by funding him and arming his troops. Anti-Terrorism Act On Thursday, December 22, US President George Bush signed the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act, which was also passed by both houses of Congress. It forbids direct aid to the PA as long as it is run by Hamas, but it specifically permits funding to Mr. Abbas. According to Mr. Bush, the new law, which “is designed to promote the development of democratic institutions” in the PA areas, will also deny visas to Hamas officials until the faction renounces violence and recognizes Israel’s existence. The bill creates a $20 million fund to promote democracy, human rights, freedom of the press, and peace between Israel and the Palestinians. Following a Pattern More than one observer has noted that the in-fighting between Hamas and Fatah is similar to the budding civil wars between different Muslim factions in Iraq and Lebanon. But whereas in those countries the battles are between Sunni and Shiite factions, in the PA, both Hamas and Fatah are Sunni. On December 10, Saudi King Abdullah told the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council meeting in Riyadh that the Arab world is on the brink of explosion. “The most dangerous thing is the internal rift between the Palestinian brothers,” he said referring to Hamas and Fatah. He added that “brothers in Iraq are slaughtering each other” and that, in Lebanon, Hezbollah is threatening to overturn the government of Prime Minister Fuad Siniora. Because Hamas has allied itself with Shiite Iran, Sunni Saudi Arabia has lined up with Fatah. With some notable exceptions, Hamas controls Gaza, and Fatah runs the PA territories in Judea and Samaria. Mr. Abbas’s government is based in Ramallah. Israel’s defense establishment has not ruled out the possibility that Hamas might use the current situation as an excuse to “cleanse” Gaza of Fatah officials and supporters in order to establish an independent radical Islamist government without any connection to Mr. Abbas or his Mukata headquarters in Ramallah. Prisoners’ Document On the political side, Mr. Abbas has been trying for months to persuade Mr. Haniyeh and Hamas to join with him in a national unity government, which would allow Western economic support to start flowing again. The only stipulation is that Hamas would have to agree, at least in principle, to a two-state solution with Israel (which means recognizing Israel, even if only temporarily) and to forswear violence against the Jewish state. Fatah has asked Hamas to accept the so-called Prisoners’ Document, a plan devised by Palestinians serving sentences in Israeli jails for having engaged in terrorist attacks. The prisoners demand that Israel expel more than 500,000 Jews from Judea, Samaria, the Golan Heights, and eastern Jerusalem, including the Old City and the Temple Mount; remove the billion-dollar security fence; and repatriate not only the newly created Jewish refugees but also all Arabs who left Israel in 1948 and their relatives. Israel would also have to “liberate” all Palestinian prisoners and detainees who have murdered and maimed Jews. “Phased Plan” Similar plans have been put forth by the Saudis (“The Saudi Initiative,” introduced by New York Times columnist Tom Friedman in 2002) and, most recently, the Iraq Study Group, led by James Baker and Lee Hamilton. Writing for Arutz 7, Ezra HaLevi and Hana Levi Julian pointed out that the Prisoners’ Document is simply a restatement of the so-called PLO “phased plan” which was adopted at the 12th session of the Palestinian National Council in Cairo in 1974. It calls for the PLO to work towards attaining statehood on parts of Israel and then using those areas as bases for further attacks until an all-out war to destroy Israel becomes possible. The Prisoners’ Document recognizes its basis in the “phased plan,” referring to it as “the Cairo Declaration.” Same Result Thus far, Hamas has refused, even though the demands against Israel made by the Prisoners’ Document, if followed, would certainly lead to the demise of the Jewish state. Fatah has steadfastly insisted that, in any peace agreement, Israel would have to recognize the “right of return” of millions of Palestinian refugees and their descendants to take possession of the homes and villages they abandoned in 1948 and 1967. Even if all terrorist violence ceased, this alone would spell the end of Israel’s identity as a Jewish state. Fatah has also demanded that Israel withdraw completely to the June 1967 border and allow the Palestinians to establish their own capital in Jerusalem. Some Israeli leftists have agreed to relinquish the current Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem, but Fatah’s negotiators have made clear that will not suffice. Most Fatah leaders have insisted Israel will have to relinquish all of eastern Jerusalem, including heavily populated Jewish neighborhoods. Other members of Fatah say the Palestinians have a right to western Jerusalem as well. No Negotiations Nevertheless, Hamas has rejected the Prisoners’ Document because it calls for negotiations with Israel, does not make clear that it calls for Israel’s demise, and suggests Palestine will be built “with nationalism and democracy as the basic features.” Hamas refuses to recognize any goal other than “Islamic liberation of occupied Muslim land and the re-establishment of the Caliphate.” But even when Mr. Abbas agreed to delete the references to nationalism and democracy, Hamas refused to accept the document. Like Mr. Abbas’s supporters in the West, including members of Mr. Olmert’s government in Israel, Hamas maintains that the Prisoners’ Document “implicitly” recognizes Israel because it calls for an end to violence against Jews inside the so-called “Green Line,” the pre-1967 borders. According to the Prisoners’ Document, Jews outside the “Green Line” in Judea, Samaria, eastern Jerusalem, and on the Golan would still be fair game for terrorists. Jews inside the “Green Line” would have to absorb millions of Arabs exercising their “right of return.” Mr. Haniyeh has made clear that he and Hamas not only reject Israel’s right to exist, they support its destruction by terrorism. Mr. Haniyeh told Mr. Abbas he would welcome the formation of a national unity government with Fatah if its purpose was “to foil the American-Zionist plot.” Hudna In what may have been a sop to Mr. Abbas, Mr. Haniyeh said Hamas was prepared not to negotiate with Israel, but to enter into a 40-year hudna, or temporary truce, if Israel would leave all of Judea and Samaria, including Jerusalem, and allow all Palestinian refugees and their descendants to return to their former homes in Israel proper. Before the Israelis could react, Mr. Abbas rejected the proposal, explaining that he “is against a state with temporary borders.” “We are in favor of starting a comprehensive dialogue on the final status issues with the Israelis reaching a final and comprehensive peace agreement,” he said. Similarly, according to Hamas’s English website, Mr. Haniyeh turned down an American proposal to form a Palestinian state with temporary borders within two years. The website said Mr. Haniyeh “described such plans as an unacceptable invention in Palestinian internal affairs.” “Washington should recognize the Palestinian people’s legitimate rights including establishment of a fully-sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital, release of all prisoners, and return of refugees,” said Mr. Haniyeh. New Elections The two factions’ differences led to increased bloodshed last month after it became clear that Mr. Abbas would be calling for new elections. While the US and the Olmert government have endorsed the call for new elections as a way to reinstate a PA government amenable to negotiations with Israel, Hamas views the proposed elections for president and parliament as an attempt to turn back the clock on their electoral victory last year. Hamas leaders maintain that the call is illegal and tantamount to a coup. From Hamas’s perspective, Mr. Abbas holds merely a figurehead position, president of a country that has yet to be declared, and, as such, has no authority to call for new elections. Hamas has also said it will boycott any new elections, which would render them meaningless. In Gaza, Mr. Haniyeh said Hamas did not fear being left out of a “puppet government” Mr. Abbas would try to install. “Hamas leaders prefer martyrs’ deaths to cabinet portfolios,” he said. “War on Allah” Hamas’s parliamentary chairman, Dr. Khaled Al-Haya, said that in calling for new elections, Mr. Abbas had declared war not only on Hamas, but also on Allah. This is a common mantra heard among Hamas members and supporters. They believe it was Allah’s will that Ariel Sharon had a stroke and that Mr. Olmert replaced him, because, they say, Mr. Olmert allowed what Mr. Sharon never would have: elections in which Palestinians residents in Jerusalem were allowed to participate. According to this belief, if there had been no elections in Jerusalem, there would have been no elections at all, and then Hamas would not have won. The gist, they say, is that Allah wanted a Hamas victory and anyone who now acts against the Hamas government is going against the will of Allah. Drafted Candidate PA Foreign Minister Mahmoud Zahar, also a member of Hamas, said Mr. Abbas had “declared a civil war.” Mr. Zahar said he would support new elections, but only for PA president to replace Mr. Abbas. “If he has tired of the presidency and leadership, Abbas can step aside and hold new presidential elections,” said Mr. Zahar. In fact, since his election to a four-year term in 2005, following the death of Mr. Arafat, Mr. Abbas, 71, has repeatedly stated that he would not seek another term. But Fatah legislator Nabil Shaath, who serves as a member of the Fatah Central Committee, said the party will draft Mr. Abbas as chairman and presidential candidate, if, in fact, new elections are actually held. Possibly to retaliate for the unpleasant remarks made about Mr. Abbas and new elections, Fatah gunmen targeted Mr. Zahar’s convoy on the streets of Gaza City as it was leaving his office. While Mr. Zahar escaped without injury, one of his bodyguards was wounded. A few hours later, Hamas gunmen attacked Mr. Abbas’s Gaza City home. The PA president was not at home. Illegal Election? Undeterred, Mr. Abbas insisted that, as president, he has the constitutional right to call for new elections. “I can do it whenever I want. The dismissal of the government is not a declaration of civil war. They don’t scare us,” he said. Most Palestinian legal experts agree with Hamas, that Mr. Abbas can legally dismiss only himself. The precedent for this, they said, happened after Mr. Arafat, who had been president, died. Elections were held for the presidency only, and Mr. Abbas won. Parliamentary elections, which Hamas won by a large majority, took place a year later. There is no date for the proposed new elections. That will require the Palestinian election committee to determine how long it will take to prepare for balloting. According to Mr. Abbas’s chief of staff and former aide to Mr. Arafat, Saeb Erekat, the bureaucracy will make it impossible to hold elections before mid-2007. That delay is seen as a problem for Mr. Abbas because it makes him appear weak. In addition, there are indications that the Fatah Central Committee does not want early elections because it fears the party’s chances of gaining a majority of the parliament are thin and that Mr. Abbas will even have trouble winning the presidency against Mr. Haniyeh. Another Hamas Win IDF intelligence sources believe the two factions will eventually agree to new elections, primarily because, according to polls, 61 percent of the Palestinian people would welcome them. But that does not mean they have tired of Hamas and now want Fatah. Many observers—as well as Hamas spokesmen—insist that, in new elections, Hamas may win by a bigger margin than the terrorist group enjoyed a year ago. According to Israel’s Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin, Fatah’s chances of winning the election would be close to zero. Unclear Polls Polls among the Palestinians have been inconclusive. A poll conducted by the independent Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research showed Messrs Abbas and Haniyeh tied, but for parliament, Fatah had a slight lead—still within the margin of error—over Hamas. In seeming contradiction to the number of Palestinians that favor new elections, only 48 percent said the Hamas-led government should be dissolved. Forty-seven percent opposed the move. A full 46 percent of Palestinians support the formation of a national unity government between Fatah and Hamas. “It’s not just a matter of calling elections. You also have to win them. If they were to hold elections tomorrow, I’m fairly certain the results would not be much different than they were last year,” said Mustafa Barghouti, a legislator from the Independent Palestine party who has tried to serve as a mediator between Hamas and Fatah. Most Popular Candidate According to the poll, the most popular Fatah candidate is Mr. Barghouti’s cousin, Marwan, who is currently serving a prison term in Israel for his role in murdering Jews during the Oslo intifada. Yasir Abed Rabbo, a Fatah member of the PLO and a close adviser to Mr. Abbas, dismissed the polls’ importance. “The Americans built a whole conception on the basis of surveys that said Fatah would win in the elections last January, and, therefore, they argued, it was necessary to let the Hamas participate in the elections. There aren’t any perfect solutions. The question is which option is worse and more dangerous. Hamas has tried to frighten us, to subvert us. The entire world wants to advance the diplomatic process with Israel. We cannot wait for an Iranian takeover in the territories,” he said. Campaign Tactics Mr. Abbas’s chief campaign tactic will be to tempt Palestinian voters with promises that a Fatah election victory would mean Western financial aid to pay salaries. Mr. Haniyeh is clearing hoping Iranian funds will rescue Hamas, allowing salaries to be paid without Western aid. But even Iran’s $250 million—if in fact it is ever released—will not suffice to cover a deficit totaling hundreds of millions of dollars. Mr. Abbas and his supporters are betting the Palestinian people will want an election to stop the chaos between Hamas and Fatah, and will choose a government with close ties to the West over one that is being boycotted. “We are a democratic people, so let’s go to the people,” said Mr. Abbas. “We want to examine the will of the people. Do they still trust those they have chosen?” US Support In Damascus, Hamas’s political leader-in-exile, Khaled Mashal, and Farouk Kaddoumi, the Fatah general secretary, joined together to denounce Mr. Abbas’s call for elections as illegal. Mr. Abbas’s supporters argue that because Palestinian law does not explicitly prohibit the president from ordering an early vote, he has the right to do so. The Bush Administration is clearly supporting Mr. Abbas. White House spokeswoman Jeanie Mamo said the US welcomed Mr. Abbas’s call for fresh elections, expressing hopes it would quell the factional violence and allow a unity government to be formed, one that will work with Israel. “While the elections are an internal matter, we hope this helps bring the violence to an end and the formation of a PA committed to the Quartet’s principles,” she said, referring to the authors of the Road Map Self-Interest. But principles seem to have nothing to do with Mr. Abbas’s intentions. While he has criticized Hamas for engaging in terrorism and violence against Israel, he has said nothing about the inherent immorality and evil of wanton attacks against civilians. Rather, Mr. Abbas’s complaints focus on the negative political consequences Palestinians have suffered as a result of their terrorism. For example, Mr. Abbas faulted Hamas for ruining any possible gains that could have been won by the Palestinians after Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from Gaza in the summer of 2005. He said nothing about ending terrorism because it is wrong. “We dreamed that the minute Israel would withdraw, the territory would flourish and there would be dozens of developmental projects, but this dream vanished. Why? Because we insisted on shooting Qassams and thus missed our dream to turn the settlements into centers for investment and growth,” he said. He called for an end to rocket attacks against Israeli civilian populations only “because it leads to the cessation of investments in the Gaza Strip.” In fact, in recent months, far more attacks have been attempted and carried out against Israelis by terrorists linked to Fatah terror groups than those linked to Hamas. Competing for Power Many observers have pointed out that the friction between Fatah and Hamas is rooted in their competition for power and the prize of representing the Palestinian people. Until Hamas won elections last January, the Fatah-dominated PLO was the undisputed leader of the Palestinian people. While in English Mr. Abbas has blamed the PA’s economic deterioration on Hamas’s refusal to abide by international agreements, to recognize Israel, and to condemn terrorist attacks; he has told Arab audiences that Hamas’s refusal to recognize the PLO as “the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people” has led to the area’s political isolation. Proving that there is no intrinsic philosophy separating Hamas and Fatah, Mr. Mashal, Hamas’s leader in Damascus, is reportedly forming a new PLO umbrella group which will be headed by the anti-Western Fatah leader, Mr. Kaddoumi. Years ago, when Mr. Kaddoumi challenged Mr. Arafat’s leadership of the Fatah faction of the PLO, Mr. Arafat had him exiled. Al Qaeda Last month, the situation between Hamas and Fatah prompted commentary from Ayman Al-Zawahiri, the deputy of Al Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden. Mr. Al-Zawahiri released a videotaped message in which he criticized Mr. Abbas and Hamas. He stressed that if Hamas participates in new Palestinian legislative elections, it will ultimately lead to the recognition of Israel. Hamas, he said, should have demanded an Islamic-Palestinian constitution before entering the race in the first place. Mr. Zawahiri characterized Mr. Abbas as “an American man in Palestine.” In perhaps their only display of unity, both Hamas and Fatah officials rejected Mr. Al-Zawahiri’s comments. Murdering Children The violence and hatred on both sides of the Palestinian divide has reached proportions that most observers believed the Arabs reserved only for Jews. On December 11, unidentified gunmen, assumed to be associated with Hamas, opened fire on a passing car near a school in Gaza. Three children, ages 10, 6, and 3, and their 25-year-old driver were killed. Four others were wounded in the attack, which took place on a street lined with nine schools. The car was riddled with at least 30 bullets. The seats, school bags, and a small plastic sandwich bag were splattered with blood. Only 6-year-old Lydia Abu Eitta, a cousin of the murdered children who was getting a ride to school with them, escaped death. She survived because she ducked when the assailants shot. Targeted Father The murdered children were the sons of Baha Balousha, a high-ranking Fatah figure in the PA’s General Intelligence department. Mr. Balousha, who has been involved in anti-Hamas activity, was not in the car. A young Palestinian boy who witnessed the attack said, “Masked gunmen took off in a yellow car after they fired many bullets. Children were screaming and crying in fear.” A senior PA official affiliated with Fatah told Ha’aretz the killers knew Mr. Balousha was not in the car “because he never drove his children to school.” “They couldn’t get to him to kill him, so they killed his children instead,” said the official. Minister, Judge, Bystanders Fatah-loyal PA police arrested a member of Hamas whom they said was responsible for the execution-style murder of the children. The quadruple murder came one day after Fatah gunmen tried unsuccessfully to assassinate PA Interior Minister Said Siam of Hamas as he drove by in a convoy. On Wednesday, December 13, Bassam al-Fara, a 30-year-old judge of the Islamic court affiliated with Hamas, was gunned down outside a courthouse in the southern Gaza town of Khan Yunis. A few hours later, two Hamas members were wounded when a Fatah terrorist threw a hand-grenade into a crowd of Hamas men as they paraded through Gaza. $35 Million The following day, Hamas terrorists took over the Gaza-Egypt border in a pitched gun battle against the Fatah-loyal PA police who are stationed there. Tipped off by Israel, the PA police prevented Mr. Haniyeh from smuggling $35 million in cash, stashed in suitcases with him, upon his return from Egypt. Bringing in cash in that manner is one of the few ways open to Hamas government officials. Using banks has become difficult because anti-terrorism laws make it illegal for financial institutions to help Hamas if they also want to do business in the US and EU. In fact, there is no Palestinian law against transporting money in the manner used by Mr. Haniyeh. Palestinian law simply requires the importer to declare it, and the European monitors at the crossing are required simply to apply Palestinian law. Egyptian law was not violated because the money did not originate there; it just passed through. Seven Hour Standoff Nevertheless, the Fatah-linked police kept Mr. Haniyeh at the Rafah crossing between Egypt and Gaza for seven hours. He was allowed to enter Gaza only after agreeing to leave the funds, given to him by Iran, in Egypt. During the gun battle between Fatah police and members of Hamas, European Union observers, who are stationed at the crossing, were whisked to safety. The Israelis then asked the commander of the European monitoring force, Lt Gen Pietro Pistolese, to close the border, and he did. Israeli officials said the decision to close the border was made by Mr. Peretz, whose intention, they said, was to stop the cash transfer, not to prevent Mr. Haniyeh’s return to Gaza. Maria Telleria, a spokeswoman for the European monitors at the crossing, said two EU delegation officials would be in charge of figuring out what to do with the cash Mr. Haniyeh was forced to leave in Egypt. Israel Radio said the money would be transferred to the bank account of the Arab League in Cairo. Too Blatant It was not the first time Hamas officials had smuggled cash into Gaza, but it was the first time Israel actively intervened to stop the money flow. According to Israeli government sources, on previous occasions when Hamas smuggled in cash, Israel had not had sufficient intelligence information to stop it. This time, sources said, they knew what was inside the suitcases. Jerusalem Post analyst Herb Keinon suspected there was more at play than just good intelligence. “Diplomatic sources said there was something so audacious in Haniyeh going to Iran, pledging jihad forever, and coming back with suitcases full of cash, that Israel simply could not turn a blind eye,” he said. Vice Prime Minister Shimon Peres told reporters Israel prevented the money from entering Gaza because it was clear it would be used to fund terror. “It won’t go to the hungry Gaza residents. It will go to the tunnel diggers, to the weapons smugglers,” said Mr. Peres. Tunnels Although Mr. Abbas has promised Israel he would shut down the tunnels, which serve as a weapons pipeline, to date, he has done nothing. The largely unhindered weapons influx from Egypt into Gaza has heightened the threat of Palestinian civil war, endangers Israel, and has soured relations between Egypt and the Jewish state. In addition to weapons, the illegal tunnels are conduits for drugs and other contraband, such as cigarettes and expired medicines. Israel says, this year alone, the tunnels, which usually take about a month to dig, have allowed terrorists to import anti-tank missiles, tons of explosives, and thousands of rifles. The terrorists boast about already importing longer-range Katyusha rockets plus the means to upgrade their homemade rockets to reach deeper into Israel. Last October, according to a Palestinian security official, cordite, a highly explosive propellant for anti-aircraft weapons, came through the tunnels. One case was reported in which the propellant exploded, accidentally killing the buyer. Not Just Commercial The tunneling under Rafah, a town split between Gaza and Egypt, dates back more than 20 years. Initially, only commercial smuggling was conducted, but after the Oslo Intifada broke out in September 2000, weapons became the chief product. Between 2000 and 2004, Israel responded by bulldozing about 1,500 homes that lined the borders and, thus, served as covers for the tunnels. The action resulted in leaving some 15,000 Arabs homeless and gave Israel a black eye in the media and among human rights groups. When Israel withdrew from Gaza in the summer of 2005, some 900 tunnels were operating. Now the number ranges from 150 to 250. When Israel was in Gaza, digging a tunnel cost about $100,000, and the diggers could command salaries of about $3,000 per month, a fortune by Gaza standards. Now, workers dig tunnels in exchange for meals and a promise of a small share of the profit. Because tunnels do not have to be as deep as they were when Israel was patrolling, they cost only about $20,000, less than the profit to be realized from a shipment of 100 rifles. Sending a Message It was through these tunnels that Hamas militants invaded Israel last June, killing two soldiers and kidnapping another, Cpl Gilad Shalit, who remains in Hamas captivity. In Washington, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said Mr. Haniyeh’s attempt to smuggle the cash into Gaza “flies in the face of the will of the international community in terms of the rules that it has laid down.” According to Mr. Keinon, by preventing Mr. Haniyeh from bringing the money into Gaza, “Israel sent a message that the unhindered flow of cash from Iran into Gaza was coming to an end.” “Money will still likely make its way through, but from now on, it will probably be more difficult—and not only because Israel wants it so, but because Abbas and those loyal to him want it that way as well,” said Mr. Keinon. Not His Issue But many Fatah loyalists did not see it that way. Senior Fatah official Jibril Rajoub, who served as Mr. Arafat’s national security advisor, said he was more concerned about “the Israeli occupation” than he was about the alliance between Teheran and Hamas. “The barrier on the way to my home in Hebron, the separation fence as you call it, the Jewish settlements—all of these disturb me much more. What do I care about what happens with Iran?” he said. Following Mr. Haniyeh’s attempt to enter Gaza with the suitcase of cash, Israel vowed to tighten enforcement of the international boycott of the PA. Security sources said Hamas officials who attempt to bypass the economic boycott would not be allowed to cross back into Gaza. Assassination Attempt One day later, on the Muslim Sabbath, Fatah gunmen fired at Mr. Haniyeh, killing the PA prime minister’s personal bodyguard and wounding the prime minister’s son, Abdel Salam, and his political adviser, Ahmed Yousef. In the ensuing battle between Hamas gunmen and forces loyal to Fatah, 30 people were wounded in the crossfire. Hamas immediately began deploying armed groups under its control throughout Gaza, preparing for clashes with Fatah, while PA police in Ramallah, who are associated with Fatah, declared the center of the PA-controlled town “a closed military zone.” The police had been warned that Hamas and Fatah’s Al-Aqsa Brigades intended to follow Friday prayers with armed marches through the center of town. There are no ideological differences between Hamas and the Al-Aqsa Brigades. They are separated only by the leaders and groups that finance them. Violent Celebration On December 17, in the middle of this internecine violence, Mr. Abbas issued his call for new elections. To celebrate the possibility that their source of financing may regain power, members of Fatah-linked terrorist militias, including the Al-Aqsa Brigades and the Tanzim, marched through the streets of Gaza and Nablus in Judea, firing rifles. In Rafiah, Khan Yunis, and elsewhere in Gaza, armed Fatah and Hamas gunmen exchanged shots and opened fire on crowds of stone-throwers as well. At least 20 people were wounded. Fearing Hamas members were about to attempt to assassinate Fatah leaders, including Muhammad Dahlan, whom Hamas blames for the assassination attempt on Mr. Haniyeh, a Fatah militia spokesman threatened to kill Hamas leaders. At the end of December, PA security forces in Gaza boasted that they had foiled another attempt by Hamas to assassinate Mr. Dahlan, a Fatah legislator and former PA security minister and aide to Mr. Arafat. According to the security forces, a large roadside bomb was discovered planted along the route used by Mr. Dahlan’s motorcade outside his hometown of Khan Yunis. Well-Matched If the friction spirals into civil war, it is unclear which side will command the military advantage. According to Lt Col (res) Jonathan Halevi, a researcher on the Middle East and radical Islam, the current balance of power would make it difficult for either side to achieve a quick resolution at low cost. “Hamas has more power and weapons in Gaza, but it would be a mistake to underestimate the military infrastructure which is available to the security forces loyal to Abbas. In the West Bank, Fatah has the advantage,” he said In the past, Fatah militias, often comprised of Mr. Arafat’s—now Mr. Abbas’s—elite Force 17 “Presidential Guard,” clearly had the advantage over the Hamas terrorists. But recently, IDF sources report, well-trained and well-equipped Hamas fighters, especially the so-called Executive Force, are being taught in Iran. The two groups now seemed well-matched, competing with one another to see which can kidnap and kill more people. Increased Forces With US backing, Mr. Abbas’s presidential guard has grown to at least 4,000 troops, up from 2,500 when Hamas first took power in March. There are US plans to expand the presidential guard to at least 4,700 members. Palestinian officials say the force will eventually grow to at least 10,000. Less equipped and not as well-trained are the PA’s National Security Forces, which also operate under Mr. Abbas’s direct control. These include Military Intelligence and the Naval Police, which are believed to have a combined force of 30,000. The PA General Intelligence, which operates under Mr. Abbas’s control, is believed to have a staff of 5,000. The few members of the PA’s security forces who identify with Hamas are caught in the middle and face violence from both sides. Caught in the Middle One such member of the National Security Force, who is also a member of the al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s armed wing, told London’s Sunday Herald that he and his fellow soldiers are always frightened of being hit “either by the Israelis or by our own factions.” “The al-Qassam Brigades haven’t attacked any army posts yet, but they might, and I’m afraid that Fatah guys could get information that I’m a Qassam Brigades guy and come and shoot me,” said the soldier, who would identify himself only as Khaled. According to Khaled, the few PA security men who are not loyal to Fatah are, for the most part, people like himself, who joined up as members of Fatah or smaller allied groups, but who later switched to groups like Hamas because they either became religious or decided they did not like the corruption associated with Fatah. Jordanian Option Last month, the US and Israel gave their blessings to a proposal by Mr. Abbas to allow 1,000 members of the so-called Badr Brigade, a Fatah-dominated force based in Jordan, into the PA territories to reinforce Mr. Abbas’s guards. Similarly, the US has encouraged European states to commit non-lethal equipment, including vehicles, to Mr. Abbas’s troops. The problem is the Badr Brigade is reportedly not yet ready to operate and none of the other arrangements have been finalized. In addition, promises from the Saudis to send funds to pay salaries for troops loyal to Mr. Abbas have not materialized. Washington has helped organize shipments of guns and ammunitions from Egypt and Jordan to Mr. Abbas’s guards. Hamas Secrets Hamas, on the other hand, is much more secretive about its numbers. It has admitted that its Executive Force has grown from 3,000 members to nearly 6,000, and consists mostly of members of the Qassam Brigades. It also includes some members of allied terrorist factions such as the Popular Resistance Committees. Last month, dozens (some say hundreds) of Hamas gunmen left Gaza for training in Iran that will be modeled after the exercises provided to Lebanon’s Hezbollah guerrillas over the past few years. The training, conducted by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, includes several weeks of experience firing anti-tank rockets, staging ambushes, and conducting urban warfare. The Hezbollah fighters who trained in Iran were then expected to pass on what they had learned to members of the group who had stayed behind. Iran is also reportedly sending weapons and military technology to Hamas, which is working on improving the quantity, precision, and firepower of its Qassam rockets. Countering Iran To counter this effort, which seems to be directed as much against Fatah as against Israel, the US has pledged to step up its training and arming of Mr. Abbas’s forces. To accomplish this, the Bush administration has proposed a $90 million aid package to forces controlled by Mr. Abbas, a bill which is expected to pass easily through Congress. American counter-terrorism officials are already training members of Mr. Abbas’s presidential guard at a facility in Jericho. Wooing the Troops In theory, the Palestinian Police and the Palestinian Preventive Security Force are under the jurisdiction of the Hamas-controlled Interior Ministry. In practice, however, these troops are dominated by Fatah loyalists. Some Hamas supporters believe they can be won over by Iranian-funded salaries. These groups, whose total strength is estimated at about 30,000, will be reinforced by Mr. Abbas’s presidential guard members who are being trained by the Americans. They are scheduled to be deployed to the Rafah border and Karni crossings. Mr. Abbas’s supporters are still not certain how all this will stack up against the help Hamas is receiving from Iran. “Look at the Hamas militias, and you’ll see they are better equipped than the Palestinian police and the General Intelligence. We know the Hamas people are paid,” said Shlomo Dror, Israel’s coordinator of activities in the territories. On-the-Job Training Both Fatah and Hamas troops received plenty of experience last month in Gaza, On Monday, December 18, Hamas forces kidnapped Fatah leader Sufian Abu Zaida, a former PA Minister of Prisoner Affairs. Hamas spokesmen said Mr. Zaida was abducted in retaliation for the earlier kidnapping by Fatah of Hamas official Emad De’eb. After Hamas released Mr. Zaida “as a gesture of good will,” Fatah abducted 11 Hamas fighters in revenge. A spokesman for the Al-Aqsa Brigades said that by abducting Mr. Zaida, Hamas had “broken all the rules” and the action was “the reddest line that has been crossed” in the intra-Arab battles. Those actions resulted in still more kidnappings and releases from both sides. Family Connections Despite the kidnappings, shellings, and shootings, Israeli security services said the situation probably will not devolve into civil war, simply because many PA families have both Fatah- and Hamas-affiliated members. “At most, it will be a militia war,” a source told Arutz Sheva. Some Israelis suspect that the internecine violence as well as the escalation of Qassam rockets fired into Israel from Gaza are attempts by Hamas to force IDF troops back into the strip. Throughout the intifada, Palestinians argued that they could not conduct elections as long as Israeli troops were on their land. Some say this explains Mr. Olmert’s politically unpopular position of restraint, refusing to respond to the Qassams even while Israeli residents of Sderot and the Negev are under attack. As long as Israel does not respond, Hamas cannot use Israel as an excuse to cancel elections. Pressuring Israel But some analysts have suggested that Mr. Abbas’s call for early elections is not so much an attempt to pressure Hamas as it is an effort to persuade Israel to declare a full withdrawal to the pre-1967 borders, including Jerusalem. Fatah officials have long blamed Israel and the US for “driving” Palestinians into the arms of Hamas. The Fatah argument is if Israel withdraws from all territory won in the 1967 Six-Day War, Palestinians will no longer need Hamas. “The key is still in the Israelis’ hands,” an anonymous PA official told Yediot Achronot. “Without a serious diplomatic agreement, we will not be able to fight against Hamas.” Nothing New The Fatah official explained to the Israeli newspaper that Israel’s choice is between “a just solution based on the ’67 borders, or, alternatively, a reality in which Israel finds itself with a strong Hamas and a crushed Fatah.” “Without a real diplomatic solution, we will not be able to fight against Hamas, which will be happy to claim that recognizing Israel did not get Fatah anywhere,” said the source. The diplomatic solution Fatah is pushing Israel to accept is the “Prisoners’ Document.” Gestures Thus far, Mr. Olmert has refused to become involved in the internal PA debate. However, after meeting with Mr. Abbas, Mr. Olmert persuaded his government to approve a transfer of arms to Mr. Abbas’s forces as well as to release $100 million in frozen tax rebates to Mr. Abbas’s office and to ease travel restrictions on Palestinians by closing down checkpoints. In addition, Israel will transfer about $7.2 million to Palestinian-run hospitals in Jerusalem. These gestures, designed to bolster Mr. Abbas in the eyes of Palestinian voters, may also include the release of more than 1,000 Palestinian security prisoners, even before Cpl Shalit is freed. But Israeli and American gestures could backfire. Rather than helping Mr. Abbas, they could damage him, robbing Fatah of any legitimacy it still possesses in the Palestinians’ eyes and transforming it in a quisling government. “Hamas can already claim that Abbas is going around the world, but rather than trying to collect money and support for his people, he is instead going around collecting weapons to fight Hamas,” said Diane Butto, an independent Palestinian political consultant. No Ceasefire By the middle of December, the violence in Gaza made leaders of both sides amenable in principle to a ceasefire. Negotiated by an Egyptian delegation working with Islamic Jihad, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, the ceasefire called for Fatah and Hamas to resume talks towards a unity government, cease carrying arms in public, and release all those kidnapped on both sides. It also called for an end to street protests that often devolve into riots. Minutes before the brokered deal was announced, officials were informed that Hamas terrorists in Jabalyeh, just north of Gaza City, had executed Adnan Rahmi, a 42-year-old senior Fatah official who was also a PA security officer. Mr. Rahmi had been kidnapped earlier in the day. His body was dumped at a hospital in northern Gaza. One week after the ceasefire was announced, a ferocious gun battle in Gaza between Hamas’s Executive Force and Fatah’s Force 17 left a 19-year-old woman dead and another kidnapped. According to the Associated Press, in the first 10 minutes of the battle, Hamas and Fatah gunmen fired at least 2,000 bullets and launched several rocket-propelled grenades at each other. Takeovers Hamas forces fired at least three mortar shells at Mr. Abbas’s headquarters in Gaza City, prompting Fatah to accuse Hamas of trying to occupy it. Fatah countered by sending hundreds of gunmen and Force 17 members to occupy the offices of the Hamas-run ministries of Agriculture and Transportation in Gaza. The attackers expelled all employees and announced that the ministries would remain closed on instructions from Mr. Abbas. The Hamas-controlled ministries issued a statement describing the takeovers as tantamount to a military coup and accused Mr. Abbas’s loyalists of serving the interests of Israel and the US. To retaliate, some 300 Hamas gunmen raided a Force 17 base in Gaza City and beat the 20 security officers on duty. The attackers also destroyed a vehicle and set fire to tents. The Hamas members fled when reinforcements from Force 17 approached the area. Other Hamas gunmen fired at a Fatah rally in the northern Gaza Strip, wounding seven people. Clashes between the two sides have also taken place in Judea and Samaria, especially when Hamas supporters try to arrange rallies. Appealing to the King The situation prompted a surprise visit from Mr. Olmert to King Abdullah of Jordan, asking him to try his hand at negotiating a ceasefire between the two sides. What happened next is unclear. According to some reports, Mr. Abbas accepted the king’s subsequent proposal, but Mr. Haniyeh did not. According to this version, Mr. Haniyeh was not even invited to discuss it. DEBKAfile, a private intelligence service based in Israel, reported that King Abdullah wanted Mr. Olmert to offer more perks to the Palestinians than the Israelis were prepared to give. The king then invited Messrs Olmert, Abbas, and Haniyeh to come to Jordan to discuss their disputes. According to DEBKAfile, Mr. Olmert refused the offer, and when Mr. Abbas arrived in Amman a few days later without Mr. Haniyeh, King Abdullah cancelled the meeting, humiliating the Palestinian president, who left the Jordanian capital abruptly. DEBKAfile reported that Jordanian Prime Minister Maarouf Batif then phoned Mr. Haniyeh and invited him to the palace. Worried Leaders According to DEBKAfile, King Abdullah has resolved to have nothing to do with the Olmert-Abbas track, “which he regards at best as a side-show of the main Palestinian power play.” According to DEBKAfile, the king believes Israel’s concessions to Mr. Abbas are “a pointless exercise, unless Hamas is simultaneously addressed.” An unnamed “top PA official,” told the Jerusalem Post that the governments of Jordan and Lebanon had been in touch with Hamas leaders because they “are very worried that the fighting could spill over into their countries.” “They urged us to work to calm the situation because they don’t want trouble at home. There is no problem with the Palestinians in Syria because most of them are opposed to Abbas and Fatah anyway,” said the source. Exploding Neighbors Officially, there are 1.5 Palestinian refugees in Jordan, but unofficial estimates put the number at closer to 3.5 million. There are nearly 500,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, where, unlike Jordan, Palestinians have not been allowed to integrate into the general population. In Jordan, Palestinian refugees are citizens. The Jerusalem Post reported that Jordanian authorities, fearful of clashes between Hamas and Fatah supporters, have beefed up their presence around the kingdom’s Palestinian neighborhoods. The PA official told the Post that Fatah activists in a number of refugee camps in Lebanon contacted Mr. Abbas’s office to report that the situation there was “on the verge of an explosion.” Two Palestinian States Israel has viewed these developments with concern, worried that Palestinian terrorists, especially in Lebanon, could gain from the deterioration and launch attacks against Israel’s North or promote Hezbollah’s attempts to overthrow Mr. Siniora’s government. Then, too, there is the fear that Hamas could throw all Fatah personnel and supporters out of Gaza and establish its own radical Islamist state. Some say this is not as far-fetched as it sounds. Since the beginning of the Oslo intifada in 2000, the West Bank and Gaza have become almost completely severed, turning into two quasi-separate political entities: Judea and Samaria controlled by Fatah, and Gaza by Hamas. Residents of Gaza have told reporters that conditions are becoming intolerable. Bursts of gunfire from all directions have become routine, and fighting continues even as victims are transported to hospitals. Like so many Israelis, Arab parents in Gaza now fear to send their children to school. Those who can afford it, give their children cell phones so that they can be in constant communication, and often insist that they take taxis rather than roam the streets. The problem in Gaza is that few can afford such luxuries anymore. Before Hamas formed its government last March, mid-level civil servants earned salaries of $500 per month, making them relatively wealthy in Gaza. Today, one of them told the London Sun, they are lucky to receive a few dollars only when money gets smuggled in through the tunnels. Christian Victims Caught in the middle of the Muslim violence is the dwindling Palestinian-Christian community, which has been targeted by both factions. In 1948, more than 85 percent of Bethlehem was Christian. Today, about 88 percent of the city’s 60,000 residents are Muslims. There are constant reports of religious persecution in the form of murders, beatings, and land grabs against the Christians. “There is no hope for the future of the Christian community,” said Joseph Canawati, the 50-year-old owner of Bethlehem’s 77-room Hotel Alexander. It is usually empty. Palestinian violence has frightened away most tourists. “We don’t think things are going to get better. For us, it is finished,” he said. Ethnic Cleansing George Rabie, a 22-year-old Christian taxi driver from the Bethlehem suburb of Beit Jala, agreed. Two months ago, he was beaten by a gang of Muslims who were visiting Bethlehem from nearby Hebron. Mr. Rabie’s crucifix infuriated them. “Every day, I experience discrimination,” he said, calling it “a type of racism.” “We are a minority, so we are an easier target. Many extremists from the villages come into Bethlehem.” Five years ago, his Beit Jala neighbors, Rada Amaro, 24, and her 18-year-old sister, Dunya, were shot dead in their own home by Muslim terrorists affiliated with the Al-Aqsa Brigades. Rada Amaro’s crime was that she was a young Christian woman who wore Western clothes and had a Muslim boyfriend. After her death, the Al-Aqsa Brigades issued a statement claiming responsibility: “We wanted to clean the Palestinian house of prostitutes.” No Jobs The violence has prompted many Christian Arabs to leave. Mr. Canawati’s sister, her husband, and their three children escaped to New Jersey. “I want to leave, but nobody will buy my business. I feel trapped. We are isolated,” said Mr. Canawati. Other Christian Arabs point out that when a job does become available, it invariably goes to a Muslim. Blaming Israel According to the Roman Catholic Mayor of Bethlehem, Dr. Victor Batarseh, the city suffers from 65 percent unemployment. During the past six years, 50 restaurants, 28 hotels, and 240 souvenir shops, many of them owned by Christians, have closed. Bethlehem’s hotel owners, most of them Christian, estimate that tourist numbers have fallen from a little over 90,000 per month in 2000 to a little more than 1,500 today. Privately, most Christians blame the poor tourism situation on the violence caused by their Muslim neighbors. Publicly, the Christians say their isolation is caused by Israel’s security wall, built to stop suicide bombers. But the Christians know that, in 2004, half the Israeli fatalities caused by suicide attacks were committed by Muslim extremists from Bethlehem. No Crackdown When Hamas was elected last year, many Christians feared a fundamentalist-inspired crackdown against them. That did not happen, but Hamas representatives also are not interested in listening to Christian complaints. “If there is peace, and I mean real peace, not just between Israelis and Palestinians, but between the Palestinian factions, then the Christians will come back,” said Dr. Batarseh. A Christian customer in Bethlehem’s only pork shop—the only one in all of Judea and Samaria—was more cynical. “It will take a miracle,” he said. Accusations Christians are not the only Palestinian Arabs who are fleeing. Those who have been accused, fairly or unfairly, of working for Israel often feel forced to escape. According to some reports, the knowledge that thousands of Palestinians may be working covertly for Israel’s internal security services is leading to paranoia and murder in Judea and Samaria. A case in point in Adel Ahmed, who resides in Kfar Deek. Although he denies that either he or anyone in his family has ever collaborated with Israel, he has nevertheless lost his livelihood, his community, and one of his sons. The charge of collaboration, once made, is almost impossible to vacate. Tortured Mr. Ahmed’s problems began when his sister accused PA officials of molesting her. When Mr. Ahmed complained to the government, the officials accused him of collaborating with the Israelis. He was arrested by the PA and, he said, tortured. Half his teeth were knocked out and his arm was broken during his interrogation. Then he said, his oldest son was taken and tortured, and, finally, his youngest boy, who was only 12-years-old, had his arms burnt with melted plastic and cigarettes. The boy still has the scars to prove it. But the officials were not through. They abducted his middle son, Shafi, as he was on his way to the pharmacist to buy medicine for his mother. Mr. Ahmed never saw Shafi alive again. His body was found lying in the road near the family’s village. He had been shot 14 times. Not Unusual Mr. Ahmed has spent his life since then trying to clear his son’s—and the family’s—name. “Shafi was not a collaborator. If anybody now can bring proof of his collaboration, I will go to his grave, I will dig him out, and throw him to the dogs,” said the father. Palestinian human rights groups say Mr. Ahmed’s story is not unusual. One group estimated that approximately one person a day is killed having been accused of collaborating. But, as in Mr. Ahmed’s case, the accusation may be made as a way of taking revenge. That is not to say that Israel doesn’t look for and need collaborators. The Shin Bet has a network of “assisters” who, Israeli officials said, have helped save many lives, especially when they are able to prevent suicide attacks. Leaving Palestine The fear of civil war and the increasingly bleak economic outlook have prompted many skilled and educated Palestinian Muslims to leave behind their increasingly impoverished and fundamentalist society. In the past six months, more than 20 factories, including those manufacturing clothing and plastics, have moved from Gaza to Egypt and Jordan, taking with them 12 percent of Gaza’s scarce jobs. Between June and October 2006, more than 10,000 Palestinians emigrated and, according to Ahmed Suboh, a PA Foreign Ministry official, another 45,000 are preparing to leave, especially from Gaza. The travel industry, however, is doing well. Travel agents in Gaza report a brisk demand for visas to Cuba and Canada, because Palestinians are welcomed there. Some Palestinians who manage to obtain tourist visas to Europe, take their entire savings with them and hope to win political asylum. Brain Drain According to a report in the Associated Press, many Palestinians with tourist visas to Cuba actually do not plan to go there at all. Instead, they get off in transit at a European airport, rip up their Palestinian travel documents, and seek asylum. A PA security official told the Associated Press that travel agencies in Gaza frequently arrange for fictitious invitations, hotel bookings, and Cuban visas for their clients. The cost for this service used to be $200. It is now $1500 because of the high demand and increasing risk. According to the AP, Palestinian, Egyptian, and European officials have begun to tighten restrictions in an attempt to stem the flow of illegals from Gaza. Travel agent Mohammed Mouin told the AP that 65 of his clients with Cuban visas were sent back from Egypt, but that many more were still trying. This “brain drain” is the reversal of a trend that developed in the 1990s, when thousands of Palestinians returned to Judea, Samaria, and Gaza from throughout the world. Many of them built homes and established businesses, and now they are leaving. “What Israel couldn’t do by force, we were able to do with internal dispute, lack of leadership, accompanied by economic pressure and the siege on Gaza,” said Palestinian pollster Nader Said. The Jewish Voice and Opinion is a politically conservative Jewish publication which present news and feature articles not generally available elsewhere in the Jewish or secular media. Articles may be reprinted in their entirety with attribution.
|
|
|
|
EMAIL : susan@jewishvoiceandopinion.com
COPYRIGHT © 2003-2007, The Jewish Voice and Opinion, Englewood, NJ 07631.
All Rights Reserved.
ISSN: 1000-3244